‘Conscience is not the business of the state.’
India’s anti-conversion legislation has turned suspicion into the default posture of the law In today’s India, the term ‘conversion’ carries a weight far heavier than its dictionary definition. It is invoked with suspicion, folded into political rhetoric, and increasingly framed as a threat to social stability. Yet conversion, at its core, is simply a change of belief – an act that is rooted in conscience. In any democracy, this should not be controversial. It should be protected without hesitation.
The framers of the Indian Constitution understood that individual right to freedom of religion or belief, and the right to exercise one’s choice, was central to the dignity of an individual and the democratic fabric of a pluralistic society. Yet today, a dozen states have enacted laws regulating religious conversion.
Generally known as anti-conversion laws, they effectively dismantle the very ethos that the founding generation sought to protect. They treat conversion not as a personal decision, but as a suspicious act requiring state surveillance and control.
From legitimate regulation to intrusion
These laws are often justified as necessary safeguards against coercion, but their operational logic tells a more troubling story. They assume that conversion is likely to involve force, fraud or inducement.
Many require individuals to notify the state before converting and to submit declarations afterwards, subjecting their personal decision to official scrutiny.
Religious leaders may be criminally liable if someone converts after interacting with them. In several jurisdictions, the burden of proof lies on the accused to demonstrate that a conversion was free of improper influence.
Equally concerning is the vague language embedded in these laws. Terms such as ‘allurement’ and ‘inducement’ are defined broadly enough to include activities that, in most democracies, would fall squarely within protected religious expressions. For example, charitable acts such as offering food, education, running schools or medical care – ordinary acts of service – could be framed as criminal persuasion.
Unevenly applied Anti-conversion laws appear to fall disproportionately on minority communities. In particular, they are overwhelmingly invoked against Christians and Muslims.
For instance, a small Christian prayer meeting held in a private home could easily be disrupted and investigated due to accusations of conversion. Or if a Muslim man marries a Hindu bride, her statements of consent could be scrutinised by the authorities.
On the other hand, organised campaigns by far-right religious groups are rarely investigated, even if they involve physical force or pressure. For example, a ‘ghar wapsi’ is a ‘homecoming’ ceremony in which non-Hindus are forcibly converted to Hinduism. When a law is applied unevenly, it risks eroding confidence in the rule of law.
Interfaith marriages have become another premise for heightened scrutiny. Marriages between consenting adults are sometimes investigated through the lens of anti- conversion statutes, which reinforces the assumption that individuals – particularly women – are incapable of choosing either their partner or their religion. Their consent is questioned, their judgement doubted. What has emerged is a paternalism that sits uneasily with constitutional commitments to dignity and autonomy.
The damage is done
Usually, the legal outcome matters less than the process itself. The assumption of guilt and the subsequent police investigations become forms of punishment in themselves – where reputational harm arrives before any judicial clarity.
Over time, these laws have shaped and legitimised public distrust of religious minorities. Mere allegations trigger pressure from entire communities, often followed by social ostracism and mob attacks. Long before a court can evaluate the facts, the damage is done.
Pray
For the protection of religious minorities in India, especially Christians and Muslims, who may be disproportionately targeted by anti-conversion laws.
Read
This article is based on a blog by CSW’s India Researcher, published on 4 February 2026. Read in full at csw.org.uk/blog